Coming of Age in Samoa

Summary:

The introduction discusses the differences in typical scientific experiments and the studies of an anthropologist.  Through this, the author states that anthropological study is the correct way to analyze why adolescents seem to have so much strife.  Finally she explains that she studied a group of about 50 girls in Samoa to determine if they struggled through the same things as American youths or if adolescent struggles are culturally dependent. 

In this chapter, the author discusses what a typical day in Samoa may look like. She uses lots of imagery about what each group of people are doing.

This section described the methodology used.  The author describes the qualitative and quantitative advantages/drawbacks and how they apply to this study. 

This section described the ages and capabilities of the girls studied. Since the birth certificates were generally not kept, only the approximate ages were obtainable. There are 68 girls from the approximate ages of 8-20.

Girls' primary tasks in house is weaving. Men try to become matais, but not too soon because it is demanding to always act in that manner.  Girls tend the young ones until they're old enough to carry loads, so girls try not to get married too soon so they can have a break


Family title and lineage is very important to the Samoan culture.  The author describes an example where one girl was given the taupa title over another in the same household even though the one not chosen was more aptly suited. Households ties are loose and are presided over by a matai. Relation is very strict, especially between sexes of similar ages.

Children in Samoa primarily interact in age and relation groups. When they reach puberty, they are given more tasks and can interact less. Males interact in some casual homosexual relations. Children under the age of 15 or 16 are not recognized in the community. Women are not seen as taboo as in other Polynesian cultures, as evidenced by the lack of ignoring women when they're menstruating. Women do not suffer the same penal code as men.

The relations between males and females is emotionally charged from adolescence until they're old. Between unmarried, the three types of relations are the "clandestine encounter," public elopement, and ceremonious courtship, but "surreptitious rape" also exists for those cannot gain a mate. Celibacy is meaningless to the Samoans. Dancing is the only activity that both sexes of all ages participate in. The strict subordination of the children isn't present here, and it reduces the shyness in some of the children. Even the defects are included in the dancing with openness. The word musu expresses "unwillingness and intractability," and can be applied to a mistress, chief or baby. It is treated with superstitious respect. For the most part, villagers know everything that happens with other villagers. There is very little privacy in the Samoan culture. Children see death, sex, and birth. Homosexual relations are usually casual and substitute for heterosexual ones, except in the case of Sasi, who made lots of advancements on boys. Jealousy and conflict are not as prevalent in Samoan culture as our own, largely due to the independence and the opportunity to experiment freely. Rash delinquency was uncommon, and only demonstrated in two girls in the author's nine months there.


In the sexual relation alone are a married couple treated as one. Pregnant women are treated with special taboo, and are not allowed to do almost any activity alone because only "only things which are wrong are done in solitude and any wrong deed committed by the expectant mother will injure the child." A widowed matai must cast aside his title and pretend to be a youth if he wishes to remarry.


When comparing the upbringing of American and Samoan children, Samoans simply have less choices or thus potential for conflict, whether it relate to religion or the diversity of her family or the family influences on life choices. The treatment of sex is the largest rift between the two cultures, and the author talks at great lengths about the issue. Finally the author at the end compares the (formal) educational differences, and how American children have much different views of work, school, and play.

The author clearly believes that our children should be allowed to choose what they believe or how they live, rather than the parents trying to impose their own standards on their children. She states that the multitude of choices present to our children makes it more imperative that children be taught how to think, not what to think, as this will reduce the strain on the adolescents. Thus she believes the strain on adolescents is caused from the parents trying to control their children's beliefs rather than the nature of being an adolescent.

Many subtle Western tools and ideals have been acculturated into the Samoan lifestyle. Knifes, tobacco, and mosquito nets are now used, while large canoes have been replaced by smaller ones. The government does not interfere with their lifestyle. Punishment has changed a lot, and the emphasis on puberty has wained.
Discussion:
I can't say that I enjoyed this book. The subject matter is just not appealing to me. Also, while ethnographies have obvious importance to computer science, I don't see how this one was the best one for us to read. I get that it was the original ethnography or whatever, but I still think we could have read something more recent that would give better tips on performing ethnographies in a computer setting. As it stands, I found the deemphasis on privacy and sex to be the most interesting part of the book, probably for obvious reasons. With the nature of their culture, they cannot have much privacy. Also, I thought the ways their culture adapted recently, like adding mosquito nets, were really neat. No one has really interfered with their culture, and they just keep on living how they want to. I don't think their education system is superior at all. I strongly disagree with the views of the author about education. It's part of a parent's job to instill a sense of right/wrong.